О сопротивлении замещению силой

On Resistance to Replacement by Force

Источник: https://nickgriffin544956.substack.com/p/on-resistance-to-replacement-by-force

‘Violence is never the answer’, according to virtually everyone on the ‘right’, particularly when popular anger against one or other of the many evils of mass immigration spills over from words to action. We heard it most recently after the protests in Southampton over the despicable, anti-white behaviour of the police towards Henry Nowak, as they mocked and handcuffed him while he bled to death. We hear it every time.

‘Violence achieves nothing’ is how many others express the same sentiment. Which is rather odd, since every scrap of history reminds us that ‘they’ – the various elites who are, or have at times been, our masters, ALWAYS use violence against us at home, and against those whom they deem to be their enemies abroad. The conditioning against violence is for us, not for those who rule us, or for those who enforce their rules.

Those in power routinely use violence, or the threat of violence, against us. And – with the exception of the all too rare elites genuinely influenced by traditional Christian teachings - every concession, every last shred of decency and justice which rulers have granted to their subjects, has been won not by polite requests and obedience to the law, but through violence, or the threat of violence.

All the rights we have already lost to the creeping tyranny of totalitarian liberalism were extracted from former elites by militant struggle, confrontation and martyrdom by our ancestors.

Those few rights which still remain were not given to us out of the goodness of the hearts of kings, popes, archbishops and politicians, but because there were more of ‘us’ than them, because ‘We the People’ organised to turn those numbers into power, and used force or the threat of force – sometimes implicit, often explicit – in order to compel them to do the decent thing.

Rights are never granted, they are taken. And if each generation does not organise to secure them then, sooner or later, they will be taken away. Such is the natural, eternal tension between those with formal and economic power, and the rest of the population.

‘Violence is never the answer’, say those who parrot the containment propaganda with which all citizens are brainwashed throughout their school years, continually reinforced by the elite’s media outlets, and by politicians who lecture us on the sacrosanct nature of peaceful submission, while constantly threatening us with the violence of their police, courts and prisons if we fail to obey their demands.

‘Violence is never the answer’ is at the dark heart of the conditioning process whereby We the People are trained from the start of our schooldays to obey and submit. It is one of the most ridiculous of the control myths they stuff into minds of the children groomed through the ‘education system’ to be obedient citizens. It is, needless to say, closely related to the tale that having a lifetime ration of pencil crosses, to use in elections dominated by plutocratic media outlets and social media algorithms, in some way gives you a say in the running of your country.

But here’s the plain truth: Violence is almost always their answer to their enemies – and, make no mistake, they know far better than we do that we are potentially their most dangerous enemies. This is true not just of the actual physical violence which the state and ruling class deploy through police batons and soldiers’ guns when all other means of persuasion and control fail.

Their courts and prisons are methods of compulsion as well. Their force is ritualised and legitimised by custom, and often by our own agreement, since it is often directed against individuals who thoroughly deserve it. But, if push comes to shove, the ruling regime will empty prison cells of real criminals, in order to free up space for political prisoners and those who dare to resist their nation-killing agenda. Their rule is enforced through violence.

‘Violence is never the answer.’ Really? Let us consider a few historical examples which give the lie to this convenient elite untruth. You do not have to agree with each piece of ‘progress’ to see the principle at work.

Why do we in Britain have a parliamentary democracy under a constitutional monarch? Because we cut the head off one king, chased another out of his kingdom, defeated him, his son and his grandson in a series of rebellions which lasted more than fifty years, and repeatedly slaughtered their supporters.

Did the United States celebrate the 250th anniversary of writing a polite letter to King George which persuaded him of the justice of releasing the colonies from his rule and from the financial death-grip of the Bank of England? Or is the United States an independent nation because American rebels threw tea into Boston harbour and then killed thousands of British soldiers and German mercenaries who were sent to crush them?

For that matter, how did a small group of colonies on the eastern seaboard expand until they stretched ‘from sea to shining sea’? By sitting down with the Red Indians and convincing them that they should stop butchering and scalping white settlers, and that they would be far better off accepting rule from Washington?

The abolition of slavery and the granting of votes to upper-class women before they were given to working-class men were changes advocated by peaceful argument. But that was not the only method used. Slavery was ended on the High Seas by the armed might of the Royal Navy. The Pankhursts and other feminist harridans pressed their case by smashing windows, burning down shops and churches, burning down Arsenal football ground, horsewhipping politicians and inventing the letter bomb.

The extreme physical force employed by the suffragettes is glossed over by the liberals who celebrate their victory, and it is clear that the positive work done by decent women during the First World War was far more important in winning the argument for votes for women than all the mayhem caused by the extremists. But they are liberal icons nonetheless.

Ulster stayed British in the early part of the 20th century not because the majority of her citizens desired it, or voted for it, but because they organised an army of 100,000 men, smuggled in 30,000 Mauser rifles and five million rounds of ammunition in one weekend, and made it clear that, if necessary, they would fight the entire British Empire, in order to resist Irish Home Rule.

On the other side of that fence, Irish independence came not from ballot boxes packed with Sinn Fein votes, but from the rifles, grenades and bombs of the Irish Brotherhood and the IRA. They never defeated the British, but the level of violence the Irish rebels applied, and the way they kept applying it, generation after generation, eventually helped to convince the Westminster elite to grant them the freedom which, more recently, their descendants so carelessly gave away to Brussels.

Coming right up to date, Sinn Fein/IRA now run the government of Northern Ireland. Not because of the reasonableness of their arguments, but because of the damage their bombs did to the City of London, and because the women of their community had more babies than the Prods.

The state of Israel was born out of the genocidal violence launched with the massacre at Deir Yassin. The Arabs weren’t convinced to share their land by gentle debate, but by having their throats cut and their corpses thrown down wells, compelling hundreds of thousands of terrified survivors to flee. The Zionist state was created through psychotic violence, and has been sustained and expanded by it ever since. Did you ever hear a British politician trying to tell the IDF that ‘violence never achieves anything’?

More mundanely, the entire liberal establishment romanticises the Stonewall riots whose violence marked a key point in the long cultural and legal war for the legalisation – and current exalted status – of homosexuality.

The most bestial violence becomes acceptable when the liberals agree with its aims and targets. The same elite who so often tell patriotic dissidents that ‘violence is never the answer’ stood foursquare behind the ANC when Winnie Mandela’s ‘football squad’ militia were busy placing burning tyres round the necks of Africans who refused to support their war against white minority rule.

I could give many more examples, but that should be enough. So let’s leave the final word on the verdict of History to the Communist theorist who was such a strong influence on the ’68 generation and their proteges who now run every institution in our society – Chairman Mao: ‘All political power comes out of the barrel of a gun.’ Actually, as we will see, there are other sources of power, but that is what the left believe.

Force in all its forms determines relations between nations and governments, but also of the balance of power between governments and their subjects. Can you name any government that changed its fundamental direction, any oppressive system which reformed, any rights won by any oppressed people or group, without the use of force?

With the exception of Sweden granting independence to Norway, and the mutually agreed ‘Velvet Divorce’ between the Czech Republic and Slovakia, the answer is ‘no’.

Now, before various fools and low-level touts start screaming ‘fedpost’, let me make one thing very clear: I am not calling for the use of violence. Not against either our oppressors or any of their pet ‘minorities’. Far from it.

In exploring this question in depth, we should start at the very top. If anyone really believes that violence is ‘never the answer’, yet claims to be a Christian, let them consider Jesus. Faced with the stinking corruption of the money-changers and the Sanhedrin’s hangers-on in the Temple, He didn’t waste time debating the problem. Christ didn’t try to convince them to mend their ways with kindly words.

He sat down and spent several hours braiding a cat of nine tails, a ferocious whip, then He rushed in, threw over the tables, and drove the crooks and hypocrites from the House of God with the lash. An act of premediated, calculated, morally inspired, ‘cold rage’.

I am not, however, going to argue that the violent example of our Lord gives us the right to turn to violence whenever we feel that our rights, or the boundaries of fairness, have been trampled upon.

Far from it; a proper understanding of the problems of oppression, resistance and violence tells us that physical violence must always be a last resort. It should also tell us that – even under a ruling elite which has empowered the invasion of our country and turned us into second-class citizens in our own land – we are, at the time of writing, nowhere near that point.

Let us move the discussion on from indoctrination and containment propaganda by doing away with the loaded term ‘violence’. Things will become much clearer if we instead use the neutral term ‘force’.

Next, let us recognise that, when it comes to human relationships, whether oppressing a people, securing rights or suppressing wrongdoing, there are two different categories of force: Physical Force and Moral Force.

They are of course related. In a savage world without rules or concern for consequences, moral force would count for nothing. In the diseased and dangerous world which exists in the brains of Nietzscheans, ‘Might is Right’ and moral force is some sort of weakness.

Strangely, this individualistic, anti-nationalist poison invariably infects the brains of the physically weakest and most mentally delicate specimens. Giving credence to the syphilitic Nietzsche (or, more accurately, to the works edited by his equally disturbed sister) is a vice of soft-handed intellectuals, so let’s recognise that moral force exists, and move swiftly on.

Good governments use moral force - custom, beliefs and institutions whose power rests largely on tradition and consent – to nudge their subjects into conformity with commonly agreed values. In a healthy society with a monocultural base, such moral power is enough to maintain order and good behaviour among the vast majority of the population.

The dual nature of the obligations and restrictions on state and governments are mirrored by those which apply to individuals, local communities and the nation. The state is ultimately subordinate to the nation; no government may place itself above the nation – the collective will of the majority, informed by loyalty to the legacy of the past and tempered by the interest of those still to be born.

In a good state, run for the current and future generations of the people who created it, and based on the customs and morality of their ancestors, citizens freely give their right to self-defence over to it. The right to declare and wage war becomes a matter for the head, rather than the body, of the nation. When a state goes bad, there comes a time when the people can and should take back their right to self-defence.

Similarly, with war, there can come a time when the state and its allies are so perverse, so wicked and so dangerous to the nation that it can become necessary to seek to turn its wars into a civil war, in which the nation overthrows the tyranny which, if left in charge, would bring all to ruin.

In a normal, healthy society, however, such drastic measures are wholly unnecessary. Physical force may properly be used by the state, although, in practice, it rarely is. It is generally deployed, with near unanimous popular support – only against those who break tradition and accepted norms. In a state whose laws grow from the people and tradition, only those who refuse to comply become outlaws.

Elite use of physical force beyond these traditional boundaries turns the state itself into the outlaw. Our ancestors groaned under, and fought to end, such evil in past centuries. The two-tier ‘anarcho-tyranny’ which is a noted feature of late-stage liberalism is an example from our own times.

This is not a matter of ‘moral force good, physical force bad’. There are times and places for each. Whether in an argument between two individuals, two communities, a people and their government, or two states, there is invariably the option of using moral force or physical force. The question of which should be used and when, was developed most fully in the traditional Christian doctrine of the ‘Just War’.

As we will see, the theory set out by the Church Fathers is every bit as valid for nationalists and traditionalists up against the repressive force of the liberal state and the violence of its favoured client minorities, as it is in the case of quarrels between nations.

Christian Just War theory developed as an attempt to reconcile the Christian commitment to peace with the reality that governments may sometimes need to use force to protect the innocent and preserve justice. It was part of the broader Church effort to house-train the Dark Age warlords, a feat without which High Medieval Europe could not have been created. The theory was shaped primarily by Augustine of Hippo and Thomas Aquinas.

According to their traditional theory, a war must satisfy several criteria before it can be considered morally justified. First, there must be a ‘just cause’, such as self-defence against aggression or the protection of innocent people from grave harm.

Second, the war must be declared by a ‘legitimate authority’, typically a recognised government rather than private individuals or groups.

Third, those waging war must possess ‘right intention’. The aim should be the restoration of peace and justice, not revenge, conquest, or economic gain.

Additional criteria were developed over time. War should be a ‘last resort’, undertaken only after peaceful alternatives such as negotiation or diplomacy have been seriously attempted. There must be a ‘reasonable chance of success’, since launching a hopeless conflict that causes suffering without achieving its goals would be immoral.

Finally, the expected good achieved by the war must be ‘proportional’ to the harm it will cause. The Church Fathers were far too worldly wise to believe the old lies about war being ‘glorious’.

Just War theory also places moral limits on conduct during war (‘jus in bello’). Combatants must distinguish between military targets and non-combatants, and force used must be proportionate to the military objective. Deliberate attacks on civilians are morally unacceptable.

In summary, traditional Christian Just War theory holds that war is never a positive good in itself, but may be morally permissible under strict conditions. A just cause, legitimate authority, right intention, last resort, probability of success, proportionality, and respect for non-combatants are the key criteria that must be met for a war to be considered ‘just’ within the Christian tradition.

‘Just War’ theory is not generally taught in state-approved education systems. For one thing, it’s rather too complicated for dumbed-down modern brains. More important is the fact that an appreciation of what constitutes a ‘Just War’ rapidly produces the understanding that the vast majority of the wars waged by successive elites in our name, and with our blood and our taxes, are thoroughly unjust – and thus illegitimate. Which is why they are always preceded, sustained and excused by warmongering propaganda and fictitious atrocity stories.

The most important contribution to ideas on the subject in recent times is On Resistance to Evil by Force, in which Ivan Ilyin sought to provide moral support for the anti-Bolshevik struggle. As the White Russians called for armed resistance to Lenin’s coup d’etat and the depraved brutality of Bolshevism, Ilyin set out to answer the question that had become particularly urgent in the aftermath of revolution and civil war: What is the moral duty of a Christian when confronted by real evil?

His work was written largely in response to the Christian pacifism of Leo Tolstoy, whose interpretation of the Gospel emphasised non-resistance to evil and the rejection of all violence. While Ilyin admired the moral seriousness and sincerity of this position, he asserted that it failed to reckon adequately with the reality of evil and the obligations that human beings owe to one another.

Evil, Ilyin maintains, can be real, deliberate, destructive and implacable. Some individuals and movements consciously seek domination, cruelty, and the destruction of moral order.

In such circumstances, he argues, appeals to conscience, persuasion, and personal example may prove insufficient. A person who encounters evil cannot always overcome it through passive endurance alone.

A person who refuses to resist an aggressor may keep his own hands clean, but in doing so he leaves the innocent undefended. Christian love, in Ilyin’s view, is not merely a matter of refusing to do harm; it also requires the active protection of others. Under certain circumstances, therefore, resistance to evil may require coercion and even physical force.

Yet Ilyin is careful not to portray violence as something good in itself. Force remains a tragic necessity rather than a positive moral achievement. The soldier, police officer, judge, or citizen who acts to restrain evil does not escape moral burden simply because his cause is just. The use of force inevitably involves suffering, guilt, and spiritual danger, but it remains – in the face of genuine evil – a moral necessity.

This understanding extends to political authority. Ilyin argues that the state exists in part to restrain evil and preserve the conditions necessary for moral and social life. Courts, police, armies, and other institutions of coercion perform an indispensable function.

A society which renounced all forms of force would not become a realm of universal peace; rather, it would leave itself vulnerable to those without scruples or compassion. The existence of lawful authority is therefore justified not by a desire for domination but by the need to defend justice and protect the innocent.

Themes of conscience, sacrifice, responsibility, and moral burden occupy a central place in Ilyin’s argument. The defender of justice appears not as a triumphant hero but as a tragic figure who accepts painful duties for the sake of protecting others.

On Resistance to Evil by Force is an attempt to grapple with a profound moral dilemma. Ilyin sought to explain how a Christian could remain faithful to the demands of love while acknowledging the existence of genuine evil in the world. His answer was that love sometimes requires resistance and that resistance may sometimes require force. Such force is never pure, never desirable for its own sake, and never free from moral cost. Yet in a fallen world, he believed, a refusal to oppose evil can itself become a form of moral failure.

Thus, far from force never being the answer, in a Fallen World, in which evil is rampant, force is very often the answer.

When faced with real evil, it is refusal to use force which is impermissible. Knowing the intended audience of this essay, I will take it as a given that you already understand that there have been few things in History more evil than the systematic and sustained effort to impose policies and conditions which are ethnocidal, arguably even genocidal, on the English, the other home nations, and all the other peoples of European descent who make up no more than 8% of the world’s population.

It would be evil if done to any of the divinely-ordained separate nations or peoples of humanity. It is doubly so since the targets have, over many centuries, produced the highest expressions of religious and political thought, architecture, music, art, culture, technology, law and decency ever seen on God’s good earth.

We are not merely entitled to defend our people, we are duty-bound and morally compelled to do so, since decades of trying to do so through appeals to reason and fairness have manifestly failed. A poisonous cocktail of greed, ideology, racial hatred, religious bigotry, power-mania and jealousy in an interconnected network of elite groups – together with many failings of our own - has marked our peoples for dispossession, replacement and elimination.

Complaining about the Great Replacement is no longer sufficient. Force is required. The only question is: What sort of force? Politics being in itself a form of warfare, this question can only be answered properly by reference to Just War theory.

We have already seen that there are six principal requirements for a Just War, and understood that they are every bit as applicable to tensions and conflict within nations as well as between them. Let us look briefly at each in turn, and decide whether the threshold has been crossed:

First, there must be a ‘just cause’. We hold it to be self-evident that securing a future for our kinsfolk does indeed qualify.

Second, the war must be declared by a ‘legitimate authority’, typically a recognised government rather than private individuals or groups. Equally clearly, this is not the case. However, taken literally, it would make resistance to the most monstrous and brutal tyranny impossible. A tyrant might be elected, supported by the leaders of the mainstream churches, backed by the whole of the plutocratic media and funded by the richest corporations.

In strictly legal terms, he and his supporters would form the only ‘legitimate authority’, but once his regime starts robbing and oppressing people, is it necessary to wait until it begins torturing them to death, or until one of the bought-and-paid-for bishops finally finds the courage to speak out, before taking steps to end his tyranny? Of course not! And, when the ‘rebellion’ in question fits with the liberal agenda, our masters certainly have no such scruples – just check out the terrorist activities of the Communist bomber Nelson Mandela, and his ‘necklace’-happy wife.

The ‘legitimate authority’ in our case is provided not by the voice of a pope or bishop, or a high-profile political opponent of the regime. As nationalists, we understand that tradition gives voices and moral votes to the dead of our folk, and enfranchises the unborn of the nation too.

Despite decades of deliberate dumbing down and deracination of our education system, despite years of liberal brainwashing, we – and growing millions – know what freedom really means, and which freedoms must never be relinquished.

We know who are ‘our people’, who we are prepared to accept as permanent guests, and who should be on the first plane out. We know the difference between legitimate ‘free enterprise’ and corporate looting. We know the difference between tolerance of the odd and the essentially harmless, and surrender to foul and dangerous perversions.

We know this from what we feel in our own bones, but also by giving due consideration to the writings and example of past heroes of our people’s long struggle against oppression and looting by previous elites every bit as wicked, albeit in somewhat different ways, to that under whose heel our folk suffer in our own time.

The great William Cobbett, for example, wrote in his epic and indispensable Rural Rides:

“The people have (the right) to insist upon measures necessary to restore the greatness and happiness of the country”, and if our rulers “show not that disposition, it will be my bounden duty to endeavour to rive (them) from the possession of power.”

We know, in short, that the time has come for resistance, and we do not need anyone’s permission to organise for resistance and to begin its goodly – and Godly – work.

Third, those waging war must possess ‘right intention’. The aim should be the restoration of peace and justice, not revenge, conquest, or economic gain.

Now, we have to face the truth: There are some among the indigenous would-be resistance who have already been driven mad by the injustice of what has already been done to our people and by the fear of what is yet to come. Repression has already begun the familiar cycle of alienation, hatred, violence and more repression. There are some out there, people who parrot what we say, or preach hatred and impossible ‘solutions’, because such soundbites get them hits and make them money.

The vast majority of people in our wavelength, however, are motivated by completely legitimate grievances and genuine fears and aspirations. ‘Right intention’ is indeed all present and correct.

The road to Hell is, however, paved with good intentions, and even when these conditions are met, it is still not enough. War – and, in internal affairs, physical force short of war - must be a ‘last resort’. It must be undertaken only after peaceful alternatives such as negotiation or diplomacy have been seriously attempted.

Among the alternatives open to a people in legitimate struggle against unjust government, moreover, are various moral force tactics which are not available in the case of clashes between nations.

Do not be confused by that word ‘moral’. Yes, moral force does include rational argument – the works of Thomas Paine, for example, played a major role in the success of the American revolution against King George. It takes in all sorts of things, including appeals to the better nature of the rulers and their enforcers, mass prayer, hunger strikes, having extra babies, and protests which remain peaceful even in the face of brutal provocation and repression.

One of the best examples of this is also in our native tradition of resistance to tyranny. Shelley’s Masque of Anarchy was written in 1819, in direct response to the Peterloo Massacre, where cavalry charged a peaceful crowd demanding parliamentary reform, killing around 18 people and injuring hundreds. It includes a call to passive resistance which predated, for example, Gandhi, by more than a century:

Stand ye calm and resolute,

Like a forest close and mute,

With folded arms and steady eyes,

And little fear, and less surprise,

Look upon them as they slay

Till their rage has passed away.

Then they will return with shame

To the place from which they came,

And the blood thus shed will speak

In hot blushes on their cheek.

Every woman in the land

Will point at them as they stand.

They will hardly dare to greet

Their acquaintance in the street.

And the boldest will turn pale,

When they hear the people tell

Of the meeting, and the rout,

And the trampling, and the shout,

And the cry of “Liberty!”

‘Ye are many—they are few’, the poet concluded, echoing the position of Etienne de Boetie as he sought to galvanise the French against absolute monarchy.

Passive resistance is, however, only one form of moral force. It is the softest, the safest, the one which - applying the principles of Just War theory to strife within the nation - should be utilised first.

In recent British history, the best example of it being utilised by serious numbers of people in coordinated support of a specific and just cause was the campaign by Cymdeithas yr Iaith Cymraeg (the Welsh Language Society) in the 1960s for recognition, legal status and media outlets for the oldest living indigenous tongue in Britain.

Out of a Welsh-speaking population numbering well under a million, more than 5,000 campaigners – the majority young idealists – were arrested for acts of non-violent direct action, including non-payment of the BBC licence fee, sit-ins, the painting over of English-only road signs, and the sabotage of radio and TV transmitters.

Large numbers willingly went to prison, their cause and actions were supported by the vast majority of their compatriots and, in the end, successive Westminster governments have reluctantly accepted many of their demands.

There were a handful of Welsh nationalists who attempted to emulate the IRA, with the Free Wales Army and Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru (Movement for the Defence of Wales). They mainly confined themselves to using explosives stolen from quarries to blow up water pipelines in protest at the destruction of Welsh communities to make reservoirs to supply water to England. Two MAC members were killed trying to bomb the railway line carrying the royal train to the investiture of Charles as Prince of Wales in 1969. Later still, a small group of Welsh hardliners ran a campaign of arson attacks on holiday homes owned by English outsiders.

Overwhelmingly, however, the campaign for the Welsh language, while militant, was always peaceful. And it worked. Welsh is today by far the most widely spoken of the Celtic languages, in very marked contrast to the plight of Irish Gaelic, whose champions sought to protect it and advance their broader nationalist cause through violence.

In the end, Westminster governments found it easier to give way to the peacefully expressed demands of the Welsh than to the extreme violence of the Irish. The latter encouraged a dangerous tendency to settle scores by bullets and bombs, and also had a drastically radicalising effect on the Protestant minority on the island of Ireland. This ended the original Republican dream of “uniting Orange and Green” and set the scene for two bloody and sordid civil wars.

While British and English nationalists now see clearly that their people are on the same slippery slope to minority status as Welsh speakers, their response, apart from a few recent outbursts of low-level riots, has been neither to use moral or physical force. Up until now, the ‘struggle’ against the ‘Great Replacement’, the System’s grotesque failure over the Muslim grooming gangs and the second-class status of which that is just a part, has been confined to a minority of citizens changing how they vote.

It’s all very polite and ‘English’ and, frankly, it has become pathetic. When first attempted by the National Front and then the British National Party, there was the excuse that electoral insurgency hadn’t really been attempted before. Furthermore, the scale of non-white immigration was small enough that its largescale reversal was still possible. If a government had been elected on a ‘repatriation’ ticket, it would have been relatively easy (albeit, even then, costly) to achieve.

The BNP, in addition, made a genuine and sustained effort to develop various forms of extra-parliamentary power. We were busy with, but not wholly taken in by, the fig leaf parliamentary democracy.

All over Europe, the genuinely nationalist and conceptually radical parties of those days have been broken – primarily by the co-option of their anti-immigration message by politicians who have no intention of delivering on their pre-election tough talk. The idea of ‘repatriation’ has been rebranded as ‘remigration’.

It is a militant demand. But militant slogans are not force, neither moral nor physical; they are a wish list. Supporting politicians who say they will “deport millions” is not force. Millions of votes are, to be fair, an example of moral force, but the UK elite’s contemptuous response to the Brexit vote – the largest democratic mandate in British history – is a very clear illustration of the grave limitations of electoral efforts in isolation.

It is true that ‘Defund the BBC’ has developed some popular headway. In recent years, the number of UK households paying the BBC TV licence fee has declined significantly. There is a combination of licence fee evasion, households declaring they do not need a licence, the rise of streaming and cost-of-living pressures. Every time the BBC is caught out with some particularly nasty example of liberal propaganda, memes circulate calling for a widespread refusing to pay the licence fee in response, but there has never been any clear evidence of this making much of a difference.

The total potential lost income was well over £1.1 billion per year by 2025, forcing the BBC to cut spending by hundreds of millions and warn of “managed decline” without stronger enforcement – which would only make the tax even more unpopular.

Given the fact that the TV licence fee is extremely unpopular, and that there is already some public experience of successful resistance to its collection, a serious boycott of the blatantly anti-indigenous BBC would not take many more twists of the collective radicalisation screw to make feasible. This is one very soft but – for the Powers That Be – potentially very expensive, avenue.

A factor in determining the effectiveness of the inevitable indigenous resistance movement will be the extent to which its decentralised leadership develops the skill of spotting and exploiting such opportunities. These will differ from time to time and place to place, but in a society as complex as ours they will always be present.

Lawfare is another field pregnant with possibilities. Several pro-life and nationalist campaign groups have already shown that it is possible, through the courts, to use Equality legislation to stop, for example, woke councils flying rainbow flags, and to win financial pay outs from institutions which refuse facilities to patriots. Or, rather, patriots smart enough to present their objectives through the prism of protected characteristics which are already recognised by the state rather than whiteness or self-defeating extremism.

The issuing of pre-action protocol letters for Judicial Review has been described as being a ‘legal riot’. Even the basic initial defence to such a ‘letter before action’ will cost a council or similar Establishment organisation thousands of pounds. Nowadays, these can be written by AI and may be brought by ordinary citizens without any risk of costs if they discontinue the action before it gets to court.

To cost the oppressive state that sort of money by smashing windows would leave protesters exposed to massive fines and potential prison sentences; to do it by initiating what is essentially a vexatious legal procedure is, for now at least, completely free of uncomfortable consequences.

There is great potential too for the mass use of official complaint procedures, Freedom of Information Act and Data Subject Access requests. The widespread, simultaneous use of such procedures to clog the system and overwhelm its operatives is only a matter of organisation and will.

Moral force is not only a matter of passive resistance, though passive resistance is one form of moral force. It is also organising, boycotting, sending to Coventry, building the capacity to block the streets, turn off the electricity, hacking their Systems, removing the physical apparatus of surveillance, the withholding of taxes and essential work, fuel blockades, disruption by drones, and all the other examples which human ingenuity can devise. All these are mass action for moral objectives without the use of violence.

Counter-power – the development of community-based organisations which in some way mirror the powers of the state or any of its institutions or allies – is another example. This can range from small businesses and local community security patrols right up to the establishment of separate legal systems.

These days, Muslim sharia courts, and the very similar Beit Din rabbinical courts among Jews are the best-known examples of alternative legal systems – mainly dealing with civil matters such as divorce – operating parallel to that of the state.

The most impressive example of the creation of an alternative legal system as a weapon in a national liberation struggle was the Dail Courts, also known as Sinn Fein Arbitration Courts. These were set up after the Irish nationalists won a landslide victory in the UK’s general election of 1918.

Despite Sinn Fein winning an overwhelming mandate for immediate independence, the British government refused to accept it. Sinn Fein responded by setting up an Irish parliament, the Dail. Despite Westminster declaring that this was illegal, the Dail promptly gave itself tax-raising powers and established a legal system – alongside a military two of the most basic attributes of statehood.

The new legal system was based on Ireland’s ancient Brehon laws, augmented by custom and common sense, rather than British statue and English common law. Despite disruption by the British army and occupation police force, including the arrest of ‘illegal judges’, these courts were soon handling around 70% of civil cases in nationalist areas.

At the same time, the Dail moved to create an Irish taxation system parallel to that imposed by the occupation forces. In June 1919, the Minister of finance, Michael Collins, announced the creation of a National Loan. Intended to raise £250,000 to fund the new Irish Republic, this was heavily oversubscribed, with Irish patriots both at home and among the U.S. diaspora buying £390,000-worth of Republican Bonds.

These were redeemed by the government after the ‘illegal’ counter-power initiatives of the Irish rebels became the institutions of the Irish Free state with the signing of the Treaty with Britain which ended centuries of often ruthless British rule.

While the struggle raged, the unofficial Irish state also collected taxes in nationalist areas. In many cases these were paid voluntarily but, where citizens were less than enthusiastic, the armed wing of the revolution, the Irish Republican Army, encouraged contributions in a way which the British forces and Protestant minority, with some justification, regarded as a protection racket.

In modern times, by far the most effective use of counter-power ideas and structure are the Muslim Brotherhood. Decades of generous support by assorted oil sheikhs have given the followers of Syyid Qutb (whose 1964 manifesto Milestones should be read by all European ethnonationalists) a marked advantage, but all the money would have done them little good if Qutb had not laid out a practical and far-sighted plan for how to use it. Wherever they operate, the Brotherhood systematically create parallel structures which steadily marginalise and replace the state in many aspects of everyday life.

On other side of the Sunni/Shia divide, Hezbollah’s rise to become the biggest non-state military force in the world also owes a great deal to the moral force of its many counter-power initiatives. Schools and benefits systems come well before guns and rockets. The former are hugely important in their own right in winning hearts and minds, but they are also precursors to the latter, helping to supply the highly motivated young men who will use them.

It is ironic that the self-proclaimed ‘white master race’ theorists and grouplets which infest the Internet are so woefully far behind these supposedly inferior ‘ragheads’ in their organisation and ability to contest for serious power. This unfounded superiority complex is one of the many old comfort blankets which will not survive the realities of the coming hard times.

Looking ahead to the future of indigenous communities in Britain and elsewhere in the West, these shrinking majorities - soon to become the largest minorities in a society of minorities - are liable to find themselves still paying the lion’s share of the taxes, while suffering under an alien-dominated legal system which treats them as second-class citizens.

Creeping Islamisation and galloping liberal degeneracy alike will make the legal, educational and social structures of the country increasingly foreign and uncomfortable to the indigenous community. This will take place in an overall atmosphere of increasing ‘tribalisation’ and a shift from class to identity politics.

As such circumstances develop and become more widely understood as injustice and oppression, the establishment of our own parallel institutions is inevitable. The question is to what extent this trend takes place purely organically, and thus slowly and in disjointed fits and starts, or whether a serious nationalist movement arises with the vision and popular support needed to set up counter-power initiatives as part of a deliberate and systematic exercise in indigenous resistance?

The extension of Just War theory to the indigenous struggle tells us clearly that a move to physical force nationalism while such efforts in moral power have not even been made – let alone stopped by repression and violence by the elite or their various plausibly deniable leftist or minority enforcers – would be illegitimate.

Nor have we exhausted the conditions which must be met before the indigenous struggle can turn to physical force. There must, furthermore, be a ‘reasonable chance of success’, since launching a hopeless conflict which causes suffering without achieving its goals would be immoral.

Next, the expected good achieved by the war must be ‘proportional’ to the harm it will cause.

Finally, there is one more problem with physical force by non-state actors, which has rarely if ever been addressed by the theorists who have covered the subject, but which often emerges as a concern among first-hand participants (on both sides of the old divide) in the Troubles in Northern Ireland, and among men who were involved in Italy’s ‘Years of Lead’.

This is the fact that, the moment the leaders of any struggle unleash physical force and violence, men of violence begin to come to the top. How could it end up in any other way? Violent men, genuine psychopaths, ruthless criminals and plain old bullies, these are always going to be more ruthless when it comes to using violence, more ready to escalate it, and less inclined to bother about its consequences, including its impact on innocents caught in the crossfire.

Their growing involvement adds to the collateral damage. It spurs on cycles of revenge and tit-for-tat violence. The use of physical force by one side radicalises people on the other side as well. It leaves the antagonists even more bitter, making peace and reconciliation ever harder to achieve.

Thus we see that the use of physical force is an absolute last resort. That does not mean that it is never justified. On the contrary, the same moral considerations which so seriously restrict the use of physical force mean that, once all the alternatives are exhausted and all the conditions are met, it becomes not merely permissible, but obligatory.

To refuse to wage a Just War is as immoral as waging an Unjust one. This is every bit as true of struggles against evil within our own governmental system as it is against the wickedness of foreign ones.

All this used to be very widely understood, particularly in the English-speaking world. Centuries of struggle against kings, barons, popes and the greed of the already too rich had produced a long tradition of passion for freedom, fairness and the rule of a law which stood above even the mightiest – and an understanding that, sometimes, it was necessary for good men to fight for them.

For centuries, the idea that a man could not keep a handgun and rifle in his home – and defend himself and his family with the former and, in extremis, freedom with the latter, would have been understood immediately as a mark of tyranny.

Concepts such as ‘an Englishman’s home is his castle’ continued to inform the law as well as popular sentiment until even more recently. It is only in recent decades that such ideals have been forgotten, by a deliberately dumbed down population, denied knowledge of its identity and force fed anodyne liberal platitudes, instead of the fine example of our ancestors and their long and sometimes bitter struggle for freedom.

A proper understanding both of the Just War theory developed by the greatest of the Church Fathers of traditional European Christianity, and of the history of our peoples, thus confirms that, under the right circumstances, at some point in the future, those struggling for indigenous rights and against the ongoing ethnocide of the peoples who built the historic nations of Christendom, may well be wholly entitled to turn to physical force.

To go, in short, to war, against the tyrants and traitors of our own elite, and their various imported allies and clients.

But not yet. If the malign forces pushing for ‘civil war’ between our communities and the Muslims manage to spark such a conflict, the use of defensive force could become a regrettable necessity all too easily and quickly. But the prospect of an offensive war against tyranny and occupation is a very different matter. Anyone suggesting it is either a fool, a fed, or a containment agent seeking to distract our people from the myriad of constructive moral force initiatives with which our people need to get busy.

If successful in making our national community strong enough, quickly enough, such moral force organisation might even prevent the alienation, fear and war which is otherwise very likely to spring from the rapid demographic shift of our people from overwhelming majority to largest minority status. It could make us confident and secure enough to navigate this change, while simultaneously making our community self-evidently so cohesive and formidable that none of the ‘Others’ would dare to risk incurring our wrath.

Even if that this does not happen, and our masters’ ‘multi-racial experiment’ ends the way Enoch Powell predicted, then there is a very fortunate coincidence: Everything done to strengthen our people by and for the application of moral force, also better equips them to use physical force more effectively, in the event that it becomes a legitimate necessity.

To look at it another way, we are caught between two extremes, each of them thoroughly unpalatable. The first is to continue as we are, with many people doing nothing while even the supposedly awake minority pin their hopes on a painless solution being imposed by some political saviour. This cowardly combination of avoidance and fantasy is a slippery slope to surrender and subjugation.

At the other end of the spectrum is civil war, as predicted by Prof. Betz and desired by all sorts of people who should know better. We have already examined the various considerations which make choosing this route immoral and illegitimate. Among these looms large the fact that, for Britain and several other northwest European countries, such a conflict is already not winnable.

The demographics are already too skewed against us, the immigrant communities are too large and well-embedded for ‘mass deportations’. ‘We’ cannot realistically get rid of ‘them’ but, equally, however high our casualties may be in the early stages, while they are better organised and quicker to ruthless violence than our people, there is in the end no way in which they can conquer, let alone get rid of, us.

Those currently pushing for such a conflict do not care about this. They are not eager for conflict because they think we can, or even should, win. They want mayhem and hatred because these things advance their own agendas, on which list the effective destruction of Europe, her peoples and Christianity is a prominent objective.

The result of this ‘Clash of Civilisations’ will not be victory for either party, but eventual exhaustion. We’ve seen it before, most recently in Northern Ireland, where thirty years of bloody communal conflict eventually ended in a sordid ‘peace deal’, in which the men of violence were bought or helped to kill each other off. The very worst of the sectarian killers were given comfortable and very well-paid positions in government.

Even the hardest of hardliners on both sides understood that they were never going to get rid of the other side, so the two communities agreed to stay on their side of the peace walls and generally mind their own business. In an all-Britain context, this will mean Balkanisation and institutionalised tribalism.

Given that this is where we will end up anyway, sensible people will search for ways to reach this position peacefully, through organisation, negotiations from a position of strength, and de facto separation, rather than through bloodshed.

Of course, this is far from ideal. We should be able to enjoy absolute majority status in our own land, forever. That is, or rather was, our birth right. But it was sold off or given away long ago. True, we were never asked, it was wholly wrong, and we will never accept it, but none of that changes the fact that we are where we are.

The map of the road ahead already shows various unmoveable obstacles. You can wish for, and howl at, the moon, and remain a powerless observer. Or you can try to navigate it with resourceful realism, and to force the Powers That Be to grant concessions which put our people in a better position to make, and in due course obtain, the next demand.

This is the middle way between the two extremes. Between abject surrender and unwinnable war, the genuinely moderate but also radical option is to organise for the effective exercise of moral force, so as to secure for the indigenous peoples of our islands (and, indeed, other nations of European origin) the recognition, rights and resources to ensure that no one even thinks of trying to deprive us of our place under the sun.

To say this is not to under-estimate the amount of work this will involve, or the amount of resistance that our efforts will face. But we have no choice; our backs are already against the wall. The dangers our people face are not some distant, theoretical threat, we are already under extreme pressure. Powerful vested interests and lobbies are pushing us to accept miscegenation and second-class status.

We are already the victims of both moral and physical force, either consciously aiming for, or, at the very least, tending towards our dispossession. If we do not develop the ability to counter those pressures with appropriate force of our own, then dispossession will become subjection and our eventual elimination as distinct peoples and living cultures.

We will not be replaced. Not because our enemies can be convinced of the errors of their ways. Not even because, for the time being at least, some of them have found a use for our young men as cannon-fodder once again. We will not be replaced simply because we are going to resist replacement. And because our resistance, while moral, measured and legitimate, will involve irresistible force.

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